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Frog, whereareyou! NewYork Dial Press. DevelopmentalPsychology, 14, 9 2 - 9 2 , Minami, M. First Language, 16, Oz, A. Matxilim sipur[The storybegins]. Jerusalem: Keter Publishers. The who, when, and where of early narratives. Journal ofchild Language, 17, New York:Plenum. Linking connective use to connective macrostructure.

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Pitcher, E. Children tell stories: A n analysis offantasy.

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New York: International Universities Press. Pradl, G. Learning howto begin and enda story. Language Arts, 56, Polanyi, L. Telling the Americanstory. Norwood, NJ:Ablex.

Ravid, D. Language change in child and adult Hebrew:Psycholinguisticperspectives. Oxford, England: OxfordUniversity Press. Acquisition of derived nominals in Hebrew: Developmental and linguistic principles. Journal ofchildLanguage, 25, Reilly, J. Journal ofNarrative andLife History, 2, Reinhart, T. Principles of gestalt perception in the temporalorganization of narrative texts. Linguistics, 22, Shen Ed. Rumelhart, D.


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Notes on a schema for stories. Collins Eds. New York: Academic Press. Said, E. Beginnings: Intention and method. Baltimore: Johns HopkinsUniversity Press. Sebastian, E. Development of linguistic forms: Spanish. Slobin Eds. Segal, R.

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Seidman, S. Make believe scripts: The transformationof ERS in fantasy. Nelson Ed. Shatz, M.


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Schiffrin Ed. The X-Bar grammar for stories: Story grammar revisited. Text, 9, From isolated event to global action-structure. InJShimron Ed. Hopper Eds. Sternberg, M. Expositional modes and temporal ordering infiction. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. Sutton-Smith, B. Thefolk stories ofchildren. Philadelphia: Universityof Pennsylvania Press. Umiker-Sebeok, D. Journal o f c h i l d Language, 6, Van Dijk,T. Philosophyof action and theoryof narratives. Poetics, 5, Unpublished doctoral dissertation,La Trobe University, Australia.

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Children's Language

At the same time,a new wave of research on language and space has uncovered enormous variation in the linguistic coding of spatial relationships Goddard, Acquisition research on the organizationof information in discourse has particularly focused on two importantissues: the marking of information status and the groundingof information in discourse. In both domains, three recurrent observationsthat mustbe taken into account in any modelof mother tongue acquisition are reported.

Taking into consideration both cognitively and linguistically oriented studies it can be postulatedthat early acquisition is based not only on universal sensorimotor concepts but also on the particular language being acquired. They acquire different kinds of linguistic devices in order to mark locative states versus dynamicactions, expressingboth motionin general, as in jump or fry around and change of location, as in jump into X or fly out of Y. These devices may beboth global andlocal in character Hickmann, 5. Local devices include lexical and morphological markers of motion such as posture mrbs, prepositions, adjectives, adverbials, particles, deictics, case markings, andso forth, whereas global devices include wordorder and event conflation mechanisms correlated with other language-specific factors.

Comprehension studies in different languages have also shown that, regardless of their age, native speakersuse the cuesthat are the most available and reliable intheir language,for example, word order in English and lexical or morphological cues in Polish, suggesting a model in which z RepresentingMovement inPortuguese 33 children learn how functions completeand fuse in relation to available forms Hickmann, ; Smoczynska, In view ofthe foregoing claimsand thefact that Portuguese is a morphologically rich Romance language,we hypothesize that in theprocess of acquiring their native tongue, Portuguese speakerswill behave according to the Polish rather than the English model.

This means that Portuguese learners will follow lexical and morphological cues thatare the most available and reliable in their language ratherthan some global cues such as word orderas inlanguages of the SVO type. Talmy defined a motion situationas one in which one object Figure is moving or located with respectto another object Ground , whereas the respect in which the objectis located or moving to another object functionsas the Path Talmy, Hefurther postulated that event conflation in the clause is the object of linguistic variation. Some languages, suchas those in the Germanicfamily, combine Motion with Manner in the verb as in English drive in Example 1.

Others such as Romance languages Portuguese, Spanish, French, etc.

Thus, it follows that, whereas English speakers elaborate the trajectories that protagonists follow in their displacement through space, Portuguese, Spanish, or French speakers provide simpler descriptions of displacements withless elaborate paths and morestative information situating the protagonists. This means that in English stative locations must be inferred from paths as in Example 3 from the storyFrog, where are you? Example 4 presents the equivalents in Portuguese and Spanish of Example 3. Although Romance languages are considered to be more stative than Germanic Slobin, , the degree of stativity may vary from one language to another.

It is important to bear in mind that whenwe refer to language-specific factors what is taken into consideration is not a supranational linguistic system-such as a Portuguese language-but a given linguistic variety usedin a given community, for example, European Portuguese or Brazilian Portuguese.