The fact emerges that in the Communist system no one is independent, neither those at the top nor the leader himself.
The New Class an Analysis of the Communist System by Djilas Milovan
They are all dependent on one another and must avoid being separated from their surroundings, prevailing ideas, controls, and interests. Please send them to David Bisson, our Media Coordinator, at dbisson bard. To peruse the collection's digital entries, please click here. For more Library photos, please click here. Amor Mundi. Arendt and the Intimate Kitchens of the Communist System On a trip last year to the Hannah Arendt Collection housed in Bard College's Stevenson Library , we came across a copy of Milovan Djilas' The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System : This book made waves during its initial release in , for it is the first time that a ranking communist--in this case, an associate of Yugoslavia's Tito--expressed his disillusionment with the system.
For example, on page 82, she placed a vertical line in the margins adjacent to the passage that reads: "Care of its men" and their placement in lucrative positions, or the distribution of all kinds of privileges, becomes unavoidable. Further down on the same page, she not only affixed a diagonal line and a vertical line next to a single paragraph, but she also underlined several passages contained therein: Since it is based on administration, the Communist system is unavoidably bureaucratic with a strict hierarchical organization.
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- The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System - Milovan Djilas - Google книги?
- The New Class, An Analysis of the Communist System by Milovan Djilas | | Booktopia.
- New Class:Analysis Of Communist System: An Analysis Of The Communist System.
- 816_Đilas, Milovan, The New Class - An Analysis of the Communist System, Thames and Hudson, 1957.
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Neither revolution could possibly have been created if the revolutionaries, along with a part of the people, had not believed in their own idealistic aims. Communist illusions as to post-revolutionary possibilities were more preponderant among the Communists than among those who followed them.
The Communists should have known and, in fact, did know about the inevitability of industriali- zation, but they could only guess about its social results and relationships.
Official Communist historians in the U. But only the course of the revolu- tion and the armed struggle was consciously planned, while the forms which the revolution took stemmed from the immediate course of events and from the direct action taken. It is revealing that Lenin, undoubtedly one of the greatest revolutionaries in history, did not foresee when or in what form the revolution would erupt until it was almost upon him. But, I can, it seems to me, express with extreme confidence the hope that the youth, who work in the wonderful socialist movement of Switzerland and of the whole world, will have the good fortune not only to fight but also to emerge victorious in the approach- ing revolution of the proletariat.
But even if Communist aims per se were nnreal, the Com- munists, as distinct from earlier revolutionaries, were fully realistic in creating those things that were possible. They car- ried it out in the only way possible— by imposing their absolute totalitarian authority. Theirs was the first revolution in history in which the revolutionaries not only remain on the political scene after victory but, in the most practical sense, build social relationships completely contrary to those in which they be- lieved and which they promised. The Communist revolution, in the course of its later industrial duration and transforma- tion, converts the revolutionaries themselves into creators and masters of a new social state.
Marx's concrete forecasts proved inaccurate. To an even greater degree, the same can be said for Lenin's expectations that a free or classless society would be created with the aid of the dictatorship. But the need that made the revolution inevi- table-industrial transformation on the basis of modern tech- nology— is fulfilled. Abstract logic would indicate that the Communist revolu- tion, when it achieves, under different conditions and by state compulsion, the same things achieved by industrial revolutions 34 THE NEW CLASS and capitalism in the West, is nothing but a form of state-cap- italist revolution.
The relationships which are created by its victory are state-capitalist.di-marketing.ru/libraries
The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System - Milovan Djilas - Google книги
This appears to be even more true because the new regime also regulates all political, labor, and other relationships and, what is more important, distributes the national income and benefits and distributes material goods which actually have been transformed into state property. Discussion ou whether or not the relationships in the U. However, such discussion is of fundamental importance. If the character of property and social relationships brought about by the Communist revolution is strengthened and defined, the prospects for liberation of the people from such relation- ships become more realistic.
If the people are not conscious of the nature of the social relationships in which they live, or if they do not see a way in which they can alter them, their struggle cannot have any prospect of success. If the Communist revolntion, despite its promises and illu- sions, is state-capitalist in its undertakings with state-capitalist relationships, the only lawful and positive actions its function- aries can take are the ones that improve their work and reduce the pressure and irresponsibility of state administration. The Communists do not admit in theory that they are working in a system of state capitalism, but their leaders behave this way.
At present, it will be sufficient to point out that in Communism the state ma- chinery is not the instrument which really determines social and property relationships; it is only the instrument by which these relationships are protected. In truth, everything is accom- plished in the name of the state and through its regulations.
The Communist Party, including the professional party bureau- cracy, stands above the regulations and behind every single one of the state's acts. It is the bureaucracy which formally uses, administers, and controls both nationalized and socialized property as well as the entire life of society.
The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System
The role of the bureaucracy in society, i. Social relations resemble state capitalism. The more so, because the carrying out of industrialization is effected not with the help of capitalists but with the help of the state ma- chine. In fact, this privileged class performs that function, using the state machine as a cover and as an instrument. Ownership is nothing other than the Tight of profit and con- trol If one defines class benefits by this right, the Communist states have seen, in tbe final analysis, the origin of a new form of ownership or of a new ruling and exploiting class. In reality, the Communists were unable to act differently from any ruling class that preceded them.
Believing that they were building a new and ideal society, they built it for themselves in the only way they could. Their revolution and their society do not appear either accidental or unnatural, but appear as a matter of course for a particular country and for prescribed periods of its development. Because of this, no mat- ter how extensive and inhuman Communist tyranny has been.
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Further- more, this tyranny no longer appears as something inevitable, but exclusively as an assurance of the depredations and priv- ileges of a new class. In contrast to earlier revolutions, the Communist revolution, conducted in the name of doing away with classes, has resulted in the most complete authority of any single new class. Every- thing else is sham and an illusion.
Arendt and the Intimate Kitchens of the Communist System
The New Class 1. Everything happened differently in the U. They expected that die state would rapidly wither away, that democracy would be strengthened. The reverse happened. They expected a rapid improvement in the standard of living— there has been scarcely any change in this respect and, in the sub- jugated East European countries, the standard has even de- clined.
In every instance, the standard of living has failed to rise in proportion to the rate of industrialization, which was much more rapid. It was believed that the differences between cities and villages, between intellectual and physical labor, would slowly disappear; instead these differences have in- creased.
Communist anticipations in other areas— including their expectations for developments in the non-Communist world— have also failed to materialize.